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Edwin O. Reischauer (29 Mar. 1961 to 19 August 1966)
U. Alexis Johnson (1 Sept. 1966 to 15 January 1969)
Armin H. Meyer (27 May 1969 to 27 March 1972)
Robert S. Ingersoll (29 Feb. 1972 to 8 November 1973)
James D. Hodgson (20 Jun. 1974 to 5 February 1977)
Michael J.Mansfield (22 Apr. 1977 to 22 December 1988)
Michael H. Armacost (20 Apr. 1989 to 19 July 199)
Walter F. Mondale (13 Aug. 1993 to 14 December 1996
Thomas S. Foley (6 Nov. 1997 to 1 April 2001)
Howard H. Baker, Jr. (23 May 2001 to 17 Feb.2005)
J. Thomas Scjiefer(7 July2005 to >
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| American Consuls or Consul Generals who served as the Vice-President, or Honorary Member of our Society |
American Center Directors who served on the Board of Directors of Our Society |
| Edward Julian King(1904-1918) David L. Osborn(1951-1953) William Magistretty(1953) Harry.F. Pfeiffer,Jr.(1953-1954) Daniel Meloy (1954-1956) Kingdon W. Swayne (1956-1958) John Knowles (1958-1960) Ronald A. Gaiduk (1960-1963) John Sylvester, Jr. (1963-1965) William Clark, Jr. (1965-1967) William T. Breer (1967-1968) Martin G. Heflin (1968-1971) Sunao Sakamoto (1971-1973) Stephen M. Ecton (1973-1975) Lawrence F. Farrar (1975-1977) Donald B. Westmore (1977-1979) Christopher J. LaFleur (1979-1980) Charles F. Kartman (1980-1982) Robert C. Reis, Jr. (1982-1984) Mark C. Minton (1984-1986) John R. Dinger (1986-1989) (Upgraded to the Consulate General On November 21, 1986.) Roger L. Dankert (1989-1992) Dennis J. Ortblad (1992-1995) Richard M. Gibson (1995-1996) Marlene J. Sakaue (1997-1998) W. Michael Meserve (1998-2001) Alec P. Wilczynski (2001-2004) Marrie Y. Schaefer (2004-2007 ) Donna Welton(2007- ) |
James A. Elliot (1952-1954) John D. Congleton (1955-1957) Howard E. Biggerstaff (1957-1959) John F. McDonald (1959-1963) William R. Lenderking (1963-1966) William L. Dutton (1966-1968) Majorie Flood (Acting) (1968-1969) Robert G. Flershem (1969-1970) Norman Tolman (1970-1971) Robert Petersen 1971-1973) David Fitzgerald 1973-1975) J. Daniel Howard (1975-1977) Philip C. Harley (1977-1980) Marjorie Smith (1980-1983) J. Brooks Spector (1983-1987) Timothy F. Smith (1987-1989) Patrick J. Linehan (1989-1993) Mark Davidson (1993-1996) Carol Harlow (1996-1997) (Closed from July, 1997 to March, 2000) Reopened April, 2000; thereafter the American Consul General has served as the Center Director |
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THE JAPAN-AMERICA SOCIETY OF HOKKAIDO
BY
LAWRENCE F. FARRAR
MINISTER-COUNSELOR FOR POLITICAL AFFAIRS
AMERICAN EMBASSY, TOKYO
U.S. - Japan Relations - More Important Than Ever
I am especially honored to speak to you this evening as we commemorate the 40th anniversary of the Japan-America Society of Hokkaido. As many of you know, this is a kind of homecoming for my wife and myself. Along with our 3 young children, we lived in Sapporo from 1975 to 1977. Later assignments took us to Washington, Norway, Germany, Okinawa, and Tokyo. But we never forgot our wonderful experience living and working at the old consulate-then located across the street from Koseinenkin Kaikan.
Before I proceed further, I want to extend greetings to the members of the society from Ambassador Mondale. The Ambassador is currently in the United States. After Washington meetings, this week he will make a speaking tour to several American cities before returning to Japan. Many of my points today are ones that I know he will be making in his remarks.
Many things have changed in the world since I first came to Sapporo nearly 20 years ago; and even more things have changed since the founding of this Japan-America Society 40 years ago. But one thing that has not changed is the enduring importance of close relations between Japan and the United States. Another thing that has not changed is the crucial role of people like yourselves who sustain the relationship on a personal basisD I salute you for all of your efforts. And I thank you.
For more than forty years it has been a fundamental principle of U.S. policy that our most important and enduring interest in Asia is the maintenance of a close, collaborative relationship with Japan. This principle is as to our thinking today as it has ever been.
This continuing priority derives, of course, both from the benefits the relationship brings to our two countries and from concern about the perils a non-collaborative relationship would generate for the entire Asia-Pacific region. My message to you tonight is that, as we-Japanese and Americans-navigate the uncertainties of the post-cold war world, our alliance relationship is more crucial than ever.
It seems to me that, together, our nations can--and should--do three things: ensure regional stability; provide opportunities for greater world economic growth; and the lead in promoting international cooperation on a global problems.
Clearly, the world's two largest economies and most dynamic societies have a natural interest in working together to help shape a better world. Yet, some conflicts have emerged-mainly over economic issues-that could threaten this cooperation.
But American and Japanese leaders emphasize that we do not intend to allow these disputes to have a negative effect on our broader strategic, political and global cooperation. But there is a danger that sometimes acrimonious trade negotiations could, over time, sour our attitudes toward each other. The situation is further influenced by the fact that, as we move toward the fiftieth anniversary of the World War Two, both societies are questioning some of fundamental tenets that have governed our relationship since the end of that war.
In these circumstances, I strongly believe that it is more important than ever that our exchanges be characterized by civility and good manners. We need to avoid he kind of emotionalism-on both sides of the ocean-associated with the "bashing" we have experienced from time to time. I am confident that you would agree with me.
With old certainties eroding, it is more important than ever to build on the foundations we have so carefully nurtured. We must do so to anchor the security and prosperity of our nations in a shared future. Leaders in both countries need to manage out relationship so as to contain forces that could divide us and so as to ensure that a new generation of Americans and Japanese understand the great benefits both societies receive from this relationship.
In an era of growing interdependence, it is perhaps presumptuous to talk of "managing" the U.S.-Japan relationship. Certainly, most of the interactions between our two countries are beyond the direct control of either government. Let me remind you that:
- Every day, billions of dollars in currency transactions cross our borders.
- Every day, thousands of business decisions on both sides of the Pacific generate a massive flow of goods and services.
- Every day, millions of citizens in both countries buy computers, use airlines and phone lines, watch films and hear music from each other's countries-commerce and culture which are part of the very fabric of our daily life.
- Every day, thousands of tourists from each country arrive to experience the richness of the other's culture.
- Every year, thousands of students cross the Pacific, in pursuit of new knowledge. Their experience will shape their views for a lifetime.
This dynamic activity is not initiated by bureaucrats or politicians-it is part the organic life of our two societies
But governments have not become irrelevant.
- Only governments can provide the security framework in which these private interactions can flourish; - Only governments can establish and maintain economic rules and practices which provide for equitable and sustainable free trade and investment;
- Only governments can forge cooperative efforts to address regional and global challenges we all face on the environment, population, poverty, non-proliferation, and health.
and only governments can coordinate the wide range of often competing foreign policy objectives to ensure a coherent approach to international relations.
Trying to steer our complex and intense interaction is the great challenge faced by leaders in both countries.
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The U.S.-Japan Security Treaty is the foundation of our alliance and the basis of peace and stability in East Asia. I can assure you that this alliance will remain the cornerstone of our future cooperation.
Thanks in large part to our continuing military presence and political involvement, in partnership with our allies, Asia today is free of major military conflicts. This in turn has permitted democracy to spread, trade to flourish, and standards of living to rise. And there should be no mistake, the United States intends to remain engaged in East Asia and the Pacific.
The United States-Japan security relationship is fundamentally sound. There is a broad recognition in both our countries that-even with the end of the cold war and the progress made in resolving disputes such as Cambodia-there are still threats to stability in East Asia. A clear-cut reminder of this is North Korea's effort to acquire nuclear weapons. Working with Japan, the ROK, and other countries, the United States has played a leading role in dealing with this threat.
And here in Japan there appears to be a consensus across the political spectrum (even among long-term critics) that the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty serves Japan's interests and is a source of regional stability. Yet, in the post-cold war environment we face new challenges in maintaining the health of our security arrangements.
There is, for example, greater public pressure on base issues. Aircraft noise, training maneuvers, environmental problems-all of which can influence people's life-seem less tolerable to affected citizens who sense no immediate military threats to Japan.
As I hope you are aware, we are working with the government of Japan to address these base issues and to reduce the irritants. But both governments understand that to ensure regional stability the United States must continue its forward deployed military presence in East Asia.
The core of this presence is our bases in Japan and the 47,000 American service members stationed here. Without these bases, we could not maintain the naval, air, marine and army units necessary to meet our commitments. Japan's contribution to maintaining these forces is vital. Under existing arrangements, the government of Japan assumes roughly half the costs associated with our bases. We are confident that Japan will continue to meet this commitment. Japan's host nation support is highly regarded in Washington. In Congress, the "free ride" argument has faded away; instead Japan is held up as a model of security cooperation.
There are, of course, many other important security issues about which you read daily-technology transfer, missile defense, base land returns, and so on. No one of them is so difficult that it cannot be resolved in a mutually satisfactory manner. Yet in the current environment they all require more careful treatment than ever.
Our mutual security ties serve the interest of the United States, Japan, the East Asia region, and the world. We must be diligent in ensuring that they will continue to do so for years to come.
Turning briefly to economic issues. The fact is that both countries receive tremendous benefits from our interaction. For the U.S., Japan is second only to Canada as a market for American exports, and we remain your largest market. But imbalance persists in the benefits and responsibilities in our economic relationship.
To address the problems in our economic relationship, in July 1993, the United States and Japan agreed on a "framework for a new economic partnership." In this "framework", we promised to reduce our fiscal deficit and improve our international competitiveness-and we have already made progress on both. The federal deficit is finally under control. U.S. productivity is up. The quality of our goods and services has improved dramatically. And U.S. firms are enjoying solid world-wide growth in exports.
For its part, the Japanese government promised to improve market access for competitive goods and services and to reduce its chronic current-account surpluses through domestic-led economic growth. While we have reached a number of important agreements on construction, mobile phones, and intellectual property rights, we have yet to conclude agreements in the priority areas of the framework: government procurement, insurance, and autos and autoparts. Moreover, Japan's global surplus has risen to even greater levels.
We need to make further progress on the economic agenda. These issues are not simply a U.S.-Japan problem. They are a challenge to the world trade system.
We have been urging Japan to open more fully its markets, reduce its large surplus, and deregulate its economy. We believe that such actions will benefit the world, benefit the U.S., and benefit the Japanese people. Moreover, as I noted earlier, constant friction over trade issues has the potential to weaken support in both countries for our overall cooperative relationship.
The economic problems get the headlines, but no area is more important for the future of our planet than the cooperation between our countries on regional and global issues. Our record here is impressive. But it has received little public attention. Both in bilateral and multilateral settings, U.S.-Japan cooperation has continued to prove its worth. Most notable of late has been our close cooperation on dealing with the Korean nuclear issue. But the list is longer. It includes the full range of foreign policy issues-the Middle East peace process, aid to Somalia and Rwanda, G-7 assistance to Russia, efforts to control nuclear proliferation, successful conclusion of the Gatt Uruguay round, and much much more.
The U.S. and Japan have also worked with ASEAN and other key countries to launch APEC, an organization that is undertaking a wide variety of initiatives to further economic growth and integration of Asia-Pacific region. Beyond Asia, our two countries, the largest financial contributors to the United Nations, cooperate closely in reforming and strengthening international organizations. How to deal with Security Council expansion is but one example of such issues on which we are closely consulting.
Another untold story is the bilateral cooperation between the U.S. and Japan on so-called "global issues". The U.S. and Japan, the world's largest economies, the world's biggest aid donors, and the world's most advanced technology societies, have a unique opportunity to work closely together to contribute to the solution of the globe's most pressing problems.
When we agreed on the economic framework, we also launched a common agenda for global cooperation. Since then, we have concluded major agreements dealing with Aids, population problems, and the environment. Together we have been working to make a real difference in improving the global quality of life. This progress is only one indication of the collaborative efforts we have underway in medicine, science, ocean research, nuclear energy, space and many other fields.
Another important area is enhanced mutual access in science and technology. Japan has long had access to university and government sponsored research in the U.S. More recently, in turn, the Japanese government has increasingly begun to open its research to Americans and has started a program to bring American engineers here to work for short periods in Japanese companies. Such steps, can have a real, long-term impact on helping us work together more effectively.
One of the most important ways in which our governments can strengthen the foundation of the relationship is to increase our support for educational and other personal exchanges-to build the human connections which enable us to work together more effectively.
As you know, under the Fulbright and other programs, the U.S. government has helped thousands of Japanese and Americans to study in each other's countries. These programs have proved to be valuable investments-the participants have gone on to become leaders in both countries. They have formed a core of solid support for our overall relationship. There are now tens of thousands of Japanese studying in America, building connections between a new generation of Japanese and Americans.
At the same time, Japan now funds many programs to help Americans and others to study and work in Japan. Under the JET program, Japan brings over more than 2,000 American college graduates each year to teach in Japanese schools and work in local government offices. I should add, however, that only 1,300 Americans are enrolled in Japanese universities. Ambassador Mondale is convinced that we can do better. One of his personal priorities is to find ways to get more Americans into Japanese institutions of higher learning.
When speaking of human contacts, I cannot fail to mention the vital role of sister-city programs, such as that between Sapporo and Portland. Nor can I overlook Rotary and other youth exchange programs. Some of our best Japanese-speaking young American diplomats, scholars, and business people first came to Japan as high school students. Their understanding of Japan and appreciation of the relationship is especially well-informed. Their Japanese counterparts have benefited equally. In my view, the value of all these exchanges is well proven. They are more vital than ever.
My message is straight-forward. The United States and Japan cannot build the kind of world we want for future generations unless we cooperate across the full range of bilateral, regional and global issues we face. The foundation for this cooperation has been built up over the last fifty years and, I think, remains solid. But with the end of the cold war and the persistence of imbalances in our economic relationship, there are new strains that could, over time, weaken public support for the relationship. We cannot allow this to happen.
It is incumbent upon American and Japanese leaders to maintain and strengthen our security ties that remain the key to stability in East Asia; to enhance our regional and global cooperation; to resolve outstanding trade issues for our mutual economic benefits; and to continue to build the human ties between our peoples that are so necessary for the future.
National governments have a key role to play in managing this critical relationship. But American and Japanese leaders in business, the media, academia, and at the grass roots share this responsibility. It is obvious that you, as members of the Hokkaido Japan-America Society, share that assessment. That is why you are here today.
Again. My congratulations on all of the good work this society has carried out from the day of its founding on September 6, 1954. What you have done has been important to both Japan and America. Keep it up. The work ahead is even more important.
